neosovok18.09.2013:
Private property is an exploitative relationship.
…
Please take a look at 1.5 pages:
Ownership -

work18.09.2013:
In your understanding of the essence of private property, you are also mistaken - exploitation is a consequence of private property IN PRODUCTION FACILITIES, but not the essence of the emergency right itself.

neosovok18.09.2013:
Likbez:
1. At a certain stage of its development, the material productive forces of society conflict with existing production relations, or - which is only the legal expression of the latter - with property relations, within which they have so far developed ”- K. Marx, On criticism of political economy, t.13, p. 7.
2. “What Proudhon was essentially talking about was the existing, modern bourgeois property. To the question: what is it? - could only be answered with a critical analysis of “political economy”, encompassing the totality of these property relations not in their legal expression as strong-willed relations, but in their real form, that is, as production relations ”- K. Marx, O Proudhon, vol. 16 p.26.

work18.09.2013:
The quotes quoted by Marx in no way contradict what we wrote about, but, on the contrary, fully confirm our words, while refuting your statements. And you, it seems, did not even understand that you yourself were exposed.

Bring his own version of the concept of private property Work hesitated:

On this conversation ended.

I had to see the materials "Work Path" about the property.
A month ago Work, in which, instead of revealing the essence of the concept of “property,” a vinaigrette from completely contradictory theses is crumbled.

First, a step is taken in the right direction:
“Property is a historically defined social form of appropriation of material goods, expressing the attitude of people towards each other in the process of social production. Property is associated with objects and things as an object of appropriation, but this is not a person’s attitude to things, it is only a form through which people’s attitude to each other is expressed in the process of production and distribution of material goods ” - plagiarism, indistinctly, but in general correctly reveals the essence of the concept of property as a unity of production and legal relations with the primacy of the former.

And then a quote from Marx is given:
“In the real world ... the essence of social relations, which together form what is now called property; outside these relations, bourgeois property is nothing more than a metaphysical and legal illusion. ” - K. Marx, Letter to P.V. Annenkov December 28, 1846, K. Marx and F. Engels, Op., 2nd ed., Vol. 27, p. 406.

But, literally in the next paragraph, Sokolsky states the exact opposite - supposedly, the basis of ownership is not the primacy of industrial relations, but the primacy of the legal form:
“The form of ownership of the means of production fully determines the nature of production relations in society” .

Further in this article, Sokolsky follows a vinaigrette from a successive statement as the correct one of these two opposing theses - Marxist “Property is the essence of production relations” and positivist “Property is the essence of legal relations” .

In general, the first impression of the materials on the website “Work Path” is sincere guys, but naive, weakly savvy theoretically.

With a deeper acquaintance, it becomes clear that the Work Path website is another imitation dump that moves the social and legal “concept” of communism: according to the authors of the site, communism is not the primacy of destroying exploitation (private property relations), but the primacy of scientific knowledge.
The trash is because the authors are not just mistaken (this is fixable), but deliberately deny the discussion - instead of arguments, the cliches “your mistakes”, “you have already been explained”, “the conversation is over” are used.

By the way, the same moves Kurginyan under the brand of “metaphysics of communism”: Bogdanov has an engineer Meni, and Kurginyan has Putin.

Comrade Communists, do not forget yourself and explain to others that according to a materialistic understanding of the history of society, the material basis of a communist coup, the essence of a communist coup in material relations is the destruction of exploitative production relations (private property relations):
“... Communists can express their theory in one statement: the destruction of private property” - K. Marx, F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, K. Marx and F. Engels, Op., 2nd ed., Vol. 4, p. 438.

Preface to the book “Marxist-Leninist Party”, published by the National leadership of the Unified Party of the Socialist Revolution of Cuba.

This little book is intended for the initiation of party activists in all the diversity and richness of Marxist-Leninist ideas.

The choice of topics is simple and effective. We are talking about the chapter "Fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism" O.V. Kuusinen and a number of performances by Fidel Castro. This choice is good because the chapter from The Fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism summarizes the experience of fraternal parties and gives a general idea of \u200b\u200bwhat the Marxist-Leninist party should be and how it should act, and a number of speeches by Comrade Fidel reveal the political history of our country in the presentation, sometimes autobiographical, leader of the Revolution.

These are closely related things: a general theory as an expression of the experience of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and other Marxist-Leninist parties of the whole world, and the practical application of these general ideas to our special conditions. From the features that determine the framework for the development of social processes in our part of the world, one should not conclude that there are historical exceptions; just in the general framework of the theory, the daughter of experience, the Cuban situation, which, in turn, enriches the world labor movement with new experience, fits as a special case.

With extraordinary clarity, this textbook shows us what a Marxist-Leninist party is: these are “people who are united by a commonality of ideas and come together to fill life with the positions of Marxism, in other words, to fulfill the historical mission of the working class”. In addition, the book clarifies that the party cannot live in isolation from the masses; that she must be in constant contact with them; that she must carry out criticism and self-criticism and be harsh about her own mistakes; that she should base her activities not only on negative concepts of the struggle against something, but also on positive concepts of the struggle for something; that Marxist parties cannot sit idly by, waiting until objective and subjective conditions, formed through the complex mechanism of the class struggle, achieve all the characteristics necessary for power to fall into the hands of the people, like a ripened fruit. He teaches the leading and catalyzing role of this party, the vanguard and the leader of the working class, able to show him the path to victory and accelerate the transition to new social situations. He insists that even in times of public ebb, one must be able to retreat and maintain firmness in the cadres in order to lean on the next wave and move forward, towards the fundamental goal of the party, which is to achieve power, at the first stage of the revolution.

And it is logical that this party is class. The Marxist-Leninist party cannot be any other; its mission is to find the shortest path to the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the working class gives it the leading cadres and tactics, and the most valuable activists.

It is impossible to imagine that the construction of socialism would begin with the party of the bourgeoisie; a party among whose members there would be many exploiters and that they would be entrusted with determining its political line. Obviously, an organization of this type can lead the struggle only at the stage of national liberation, and then only to a certain level and under certain circumstances. Then the once revolutionary class turns into a reactionary one and new conditions are formed that require the emergence of the Marxist-Leninist party as the leading force of the revolutionary struggle.

Already now, at least in America, it is practically impossible to speak of liberation movements led by the bourgeoisie. The Cuban revolution polarized forces; Faced with a dilemma - people or imperialism, the impotent national bourgeoisie chooses imperialism and irrevocably betrays its country. Thus, in this part of the world the possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism is almost completely lost.

If the Marxist-Leninist party is able to foresee the upcoming historical stages and is able to become the banner and vanguard of the people even before the stage of national liberation ends (since we are talking about our colonized countries), then this party will fulfill a double historical mission and will be able to begin building socialism being stronger and with greater authority among the masses ...

Next comes the Cuban experience, an experience remarkable for all that is new in it, for all that is effective in this era of the development of the American revolution, as well as a wealth of lessons learned from its mistakes, publicly analyzed and corrected in contact with the masses and before court of public opinion.

Comrade Fidel's speeches on the United Party of the Socialist Revolution and the method of work of the United Revolutionary Organizations are especially important; performances that mark the two main stages of our development. The first of them honestly reflects the difficult search for a genuine revolutionary who has reached the pinnacle of an upward path in the development of his thought and without hesitation expresses his Marxist-Leninist views to the whole world. But he does this, not limited to verbal affirmation, but showing actions, the most important facts of the development of the leader, the development of the Movement and the Party towards a unification designed to unite the Unified Party of the Socialist Revolution.

Carrying out introspection, Comrade Fidel admits that the environment inspired him with many backward concepts; tells how he instinctively opposed them, tempered in the fight against them; talks about his doubts and explains where they came from and how they were resolved.

At this stage, the July 26th Movement was something new, difficult to define; Fidel Castro, the hero of Moncada, a prisoner of the island of Pinos, trained an expeditionary group that had the task of reaching the shores of Oriente, lighting a revolutionary fire in the province and separating it at the first moment from the rest of the island or, if objective circumstances permit, uncontrollably advance to Havana itself, going from victory to victory at the cost of more or less blood.

Reality has hit our hopes; there were no necessary subjective conditions for this attempt to be successful; the norms of the revolutionary war which we later had to assimilate at the cost of our own blood and the blood of our brothers over the course of two years of severe struggle were not respected. We were defeated, and then the most important part of the history of our movement began. Here it showed its true strength, its true historical advantage; we were aware of the tactical mistakes made and in the absence of some important subjective factors: the people were aware of the need for change, but were not sure of their possibility. To create such confidence was our task, and a long process began in the Sierra Maestra, which served as a catalyst for movement throughout the island and gave rise to a strip of continuous storms, continuous revolutionary outbreaks throughout the country.

The case proved that the Revolutionary Army, giving the faith and enthusiasm of the people the right direction, in conditions favorable for the struggle, can build up its forces, correctly waging an armed struggle, and ultimately defeat the enemy army. This is a great lesson in our history. Until victory, the balance of power continued to change until the revolutionary movement reached a decisive advantage, until the subjective prerequisites necessary for the implementation of change had been formed and the necessary crisis of power had been caused. America gained new revolutionary experience, it was shown that the great truths of Marxism-Leninism always retain their vitality; in this case, the mission of the leaders and parties is to create, by their struggle, the necessary fullness of conditions for taking power, without turning into regular contemplators of the revolutionary wave that is born from the depths of the people.

At the same time, the need was demonstrated that the centers of armed struggle protecting the sovereignty of the people should be protected from surprises, from attacks, from destruction; It is shown how important it is that armed struggle develops in the territories most suitable for guerrilla warfare, in the most crossed zones of rural areas. This is another contribution of the Revolution to our struggle for the liberation of America; from the village, the revolution goes to the city, from smaller to larger, creating a nationwide revolutionary movement that culminates in Havana.

In another place, Fidel clearly says: the most important quality of revolutionaries is the ability to correctly interpret reality. Speaking about the April strike, he explains that at that moment we were not able to properly evaluate it, and therefore we had to survive the catastrophe. Why was the April strike declared? Because in the depths of the movement there was a series of contradictions, which we called the contradictions between the Sierra and the Plain; they manifested themselves in the fact that the ideas of these two wings of the organization about the elements that were considered basic for the outcome of the armed struggle were diametrically opposed.

Sierra intended to defeat the army as many times as needed, winning her battle after battle, seizing weapons from her, and in this way come at a certain moment to take full power on the basis of her Rebel army. The plain, however, advocated a general armed struggle throughout the country, the epilogue of which would be a general revolutionary strike that would end Batista’s dictatorship and assert the power of “civilian” rulers, making the new army “apolitical”.

Clashes between these opinions occur constantly, and this does not contribute to the unity of leadership needed at such times. The April strike was prepared and declared by the Plains with the consent of the leadership of the Sierra, which does not feel able to prevent this, although it has serious doubts about the result, and the NSP openly expresses its objections, warning about the danger in time. The revolutionary commandants descend to the Plain to assist the strike, and then our unforgettable commandant, Camilo Cienfuegos, begins his first raids in the Bayamo area.

These contradictions have deeper roots than tactical disagreements: the rebel army is ideologically proletarian and thinks proceeding from the interests of the poor class; The plain still remains petty-bourgeois, its leadership is littered with future traitors and it is strongly influenced by the environment in which it operates.

It was a small struggle for internal hegemony in the framework of the great revolutionary struggle for power. Recent events in Algeria are easily explained by analogy with the Cuban Revolution: the revolutionary wing does not allow itself to be removed from power and is fighting to conquer it completely; The Liberation Army is the true representative of the victorious revolution.

... Clashes occur again and again, and unity of leadership (to which, however, not everyone has obeyed) is achieved only when Fidel is appointed prime minister - a few months after the victory of the Revolution. What have we done so far? We, as Fidel said, have gained the right to begin. You think you won the victory stage, the basis of which was the struggle to death against the regime established in Cuba, represented by the dictator Batista; but our consistent pursuit of a revolutionary line aimed at changing our society for the better and its maximum possible liberation from all economic ties naturally pushed us further - to a frontal struggle against imperialism.

For the development and deepening of our ideology, imperialism was an extremely important factor; for every blow dealt to us, one had to answer; every time the Yankees, reacting to our actions with their usual arrogance, took some measures against Cuba, we had to take the necessary countermeasures, and thus the Revolution deepened.

The People’s Socialist Party entered this front; comrades from among the veterans of the revolutionary struggle and comrades who came to power through the struggle in the Sierra, began to merge their organizations. And already at that moment Fidel warned of the danger of sectarianism, criticizing those who, for fifteen or twenty years of party work, were picking their nose, and sectarianism with bearded men from the Sierra, and city militants.

In the era of armed struggle, there was a group of comrades who claimed to protect the movement from the appearance of leaderism [caidelism by Fidel] and made a mistake that was repeated later in the era of sectarianism: they mixed the great virtues of the leader, the huge virtues of the leader of the Revolution and his undeniable the talent of a commander with the properties of such an individual who is only concerned with securing the unconditional support of “his own people” and establishing a leadership system. It was a pseudo-fundamental struggle that was waged by a group of comrades and did not even end on January 1st or at the moment when Fidel assumed the duties of the Prime Minister, but much later, when the right wing of the July 26 Movement was defeated. So fell from the leading posts of Urrutia, Miro Cardona, Paradise, Uber Matos, David Salvador and other traitors who opposed themselves to the will of the people.

After a complete victory over the right wing, it becomes necessary to structure a party - the Unified Party of the Revolution, the bearer of Marxism-Leninism in the new conditions of Cuba. It had to be an organism connected with the masses, with strictly selected personnel, the organization centralized and at the same time flexible; and, in order to achieve all this, we blindly trusted in the authority of the People’s Socialist Party, won over many years of struggle, and almost completely abandoned our organizational criteria on July 26. Thus, conditions were created for the fruit of sectarianism to ripen.

In the process of structuring, Comrade Anibal Escalante took upon himself the organizational tasks, and the gloomy, although, fortunately, very short, period of our development began. Leadership methods were erroneous; The party was losing its essential qualities: communication with the masses, the implementation of democratic centralism and the spirit of self-sacrifice. Having resorted to real magic at times, people without any experience and without any dignity were promoted to leading posts only because they were able to adapt to the established order.

OROs lost the function of the ideological motor — and control over the entire production apparatus through the exercise of this function — and began to turn into the administrative apparatus; under these conditions, the alarms that were supposed to come from the provinces, revealing a number of problems that existed there, were lost because the administrative workers had to be checked by the very leaders of the cells that performed dual functions — in the party and in the state administration.

The stage of erroneous concepts, egregious errors and mechanical borrowing has, fortunately, been completed. The old foundations on which this offspring of sectarianism was based were broken. In the face of bewilderment of the masses in connection with what is happening, the National Leadership, chaired by Fidel, decided: to turn to the masses, to turn to the masses; thus, a system of consultations was established at all enterprises for the nomination — by the masses themselves — of exemplary workers, which made it possible to select for the formation of the cells of the Party — a party closely connected with its class.

As part of the changes that took place in the Party, a reform of the party education system was carried out: now they were sent there not as before — friends, “tested”, but the best workers, people who, with their attitude to the Revolution, their daily work, their enthusiasm and spirit of self-sacrifice showed the highest dignity of a member of the ruling party.

In accordance with this, all criteria were changed; a new era is beginning to strengthen the party, the greater effectiveness of its working methods. We are faced with the broad and bright path of socialist construction, on which the Party faces the task of leading. This manual will not be the mechanical and bureaucratic leadership of strict and sectarian control, the leadership of giving orders, the guidance of instructions that must be followed, supporting them in words, instead of serving as a living example; leadership privileges of quotes or "past merits."

The party of the future will be closely connected with the masses and will absorb their thoughts and feelings, which will then be embodied in specific directives; she will strictly apply discipline in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism, and at the same time there will always be a place for discussion, open criticism and self-criticism aimed at continuous improvement of work.

At this stage, it will be a party of cadres, a party of the best, and they will have to fulfill their dynamic task: being in contact with the people, transfer their experience to higher spheres, transfer specific directives to the masses and go at the head of the masses. The first to study, the first to work, the first to revolutionary enthusiasm, the first to self-sacrifice; always the best, the purest, the most humane of all — such should be the cadres of our party.

Because you always need to remember that Marxists are not a fanatical guided machine, something like a torpedo guided by a servomechanism towards its intended purpose. Fidel frankly spoke out on this issue in one of his speeches: “Who said that Marxism is a renunciation of human feelings, of comradeship, of love for a friend, of respect for a friend, and attention to a friend? Who said that Marxism is mindlessness and insensibility? After all, it was love for man that gave rise to Marxism; the love of man, of humanity, the desire to fight against the scourges of the proletariat, the desire to fight against the poverty, injustice, suffering and all kinds of exploitation from which the proletariat suffers - this led to the emergence of Marxism from the ideas of Karl Marx, precisely when could arise when a real opportunity could arise, and more than a real opportunity - the historical necessity of the social revolution, the interpreter of which was Karl Marx. But what made him an interpreter, if not the stream of human feelings of people like himself, like Engels, like Lenin? ”

This assessment of Fidel is fundamental to the activist of the new party; always remember this, comrades, keep in mind as the most effective weapon against all sorts of deviations. A Marxist must be the best, the most complete, the most finished of people, but always, first of all, a man; a party fighter who lives and worries with the masses; guides that embody the aspirations of the masses, sometimes vague, into specific directives; a tireless worker who gives everything to his people; a patient worker who gives his hours of rest, his personal peace, his family and his life to the Revolution, but is never alien to the warmth of human communication.

In the field of international relations, our party will have the most important responsibilities; we are America's first socialist country, an example for other countries, a living experience that must be learned by other fraternal parties; burning experience, repeating and changing, which brings to the light of public consciousness everything that is right and wrong in it. Our example is especially instructive and addressed not only to those for whom Marxism-Leninism has become a symbol of faith, but also to the people of America.

The Second Havana Declaration is a guide to action For the revolutionary proletariat, peasantry, intelligentsia of America; our own behavior will be for them a constant guide to action. We must be worthy of this role; we must work every day, thinking about our America, and more and more strengthen the foundations of our state, its economic organization and political development, so that we can also convince the peoples of America of the practical possibility of starting socialist development as our internal strength strengthens already at the present stage of the balance of power in the world.

For all this, we must not forget that our ability to emotionally respond to the atrocities of aggressors and the suffering of peoples cannot be limited to the borders of America and even the borders of America and the socialist countries combined; we must implement genuine proletarian internationalism, perceiving as a personal insult all aggression, all dishonor, all encroachment on the dignity of man, on his happiness in any part of the world.

We, the fighters of the new party, in the new liberated part of the world, in the new conditions, must always hold high the banner of human dignity that has been raised by our Marty, the mentor of many generations, who is with us today, as old as ever in Cuba’s life: “Everyone a true person should feel on his cheek a blow inflicted on the cheek of any person. "

Ernesto Che Guevara

2. The crisis of the communist movement and how to get out of it.

The Communist Workers' Movement "Work Path", in a voluminous material in 4 parts, gives its analysis of the causes of the crisis of the modern communist movement (I think even the most inveterate optimists will not deny the existence of one) and that distinguishes this text from many programs with just an analysis of what is happening, offers his own ways to overcome it.

5. Red Archive.

After a painful two-year swing, they finally got a hold of it and stocked up with 37 volumes of the Red Archive. Not counting sevenhttp://istmat.info/node/22121 that have already been posted on the site.
The magazine is quite interesting, I hope that throughout the year we will fully post all the issues.
If suddenly, someone at the call of the heart, wants to do the digitization of the material, then whistle. Your deed will be immortal, although the name will remain unknown. But the gratitude of the site team will be unlimited, of course, to a reasonable extent.

PS. I recommend both the magazines themselves and the site itself, which regularly pleases with excellent documentary materials supplied by enthusiastic enthusiasts. Some fresh materials will soon be laid out separately.

6. In the wake of the textbook Barsenkova - Vdovina.

At one time, this textbook made a lot of noise with the scandal surrounding the deportation of Chechens, since the authors allowed themselves only to mention some grounds for deportation to. For which they were obstructed, accompanied by hysteria from Chechnya. At the same time, the textbook itself was a classic example of a set of anti-Soviet stamps, which is well shown in the analysis with scans of sheets of a textbook devoted to the history of the USSR.

7. Why industrialization 2.0 is needed.

A good review article on the need for a new industrialization of the country, using both well-known historical examples and justifications from the well-known program of Professor Gubanov.

Another question is that this completely sane program, which can give a lot to the country, cannot be implemented while the liberal elites in power pursue a very definite course hostile to the ideas laid down in the program of new industrialization of Russia.

8. The Bolshevik, agitator and practitioner.

An excellent article about the revolutionary youth of the best friend of Soviet street children and part-time creator of the punishing sword of the Revolution - Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky.

... You call me "poor fellow", - you are very mistaken. True, I cannot say to myself that I am satisfied and happy, but this is not at all because I am in prison. I can confidently say that I am much happier than those who “lead” a meaningless life. And if I had to choose: prison or life without meaning, I would choose the first, otherwise it would not be worth it. Therefore, although I am in prison, I am not discouraged. The prison is so good because there is enough time to look critically at its past, and it will benefit me ... The prison is terrible only for those who are weak in spirit ... (c) Dzerzhinsky

As it is not difficult to notice, the thoughts of Iron Felix in prison were not in vain.

12. About science.

Great comic book about the benefits of scientific thinking.

In conclusion, as usual, the pictures:

THE USSR.

Cool photo. The military power of the USSR - rear view.

Poland.

Contemporary politics.

Merkel's funny opponent in the Chancellor’s election. However, the left in Germany does not lag behind and go to the polls with the slogan "Sharing is fun."

The World History.

And the occult did not help.

Science and education.

Clericalism and religion.

Society.